Thursday, December 3, 2009

The bombing of April 19, 1995, was the biggest attack on American soil before 9/11, killing 168 people, including 19 children. The programm talks to conspiracy theorists who claim that the US government not only had foreknowledge of the attack, they had informants inside the conspiracy who actively encouraged the bombing. The film features revealing interviews with the leading FBI investigators in the case, one of whom, for the first time, is now calling for the investigation to be re-opened.

A brief overview of the official story of the Oklahoma City bombing:
On April 17, 1995 Timothy McVeigh reportedly picked up a 20-foot Ryder truck from Elliott's Body Shop in Junction City. The truck was filled with roughly 5,000 pounds (2,300 kg) of ammonium nitrate, an agricultural fertilizer, and nitromethane, a highly volatile motor-racing fuel-a mixture also known as Kinepak or ANFO (ammonium nitrate/fuel oil).

At 9:02 a.m. on April 19, 1995, the truck exploded in the street in front of the Alfred P. Murrah federal building. About 90 minutes later, McVeigh was stopped by an Oklahoma state trooper for driving a vehicle without a license plate, who then arrested him on a firearms charge. Two days later he was charged in the bombing. His friend Terry Nichols was arrested in Kansas, and formally charged with the bombing on May 10.

There are many problems with the official story of the bombing. Let's start with McVeigh's whereabouts on April 17.
McVeigh had been filmed by a security camera at a nearby McDonald's 24 minutes before the time stamped on the truck rental agreement, wearing clothes that did not match either of the men seen at Elliott's.

There is no plausible explanation of how he traveled the mile and a quarter from McDonald's to the rental agency, carless and alone as he claims, without getting soaked in the rain.

The three people interviewed agreed John Does 1 and 2 were dry. According to Stephen Jones, who has seen the interview transcripts, it took 44 days for the FBI to convince the car rental agency owner that John Doe 1 was Timothy McVeigh. And in the end they did not dare put him on the witness stand, for fear of what might happen under cross-examination.

There is also an unanswered question with regard to the truck, namely what was the Army doing with a Ryder Truck just before the Murrah blast?

The minister who married my wife and I was in OK City right after the Murrah Building bomb(s) exploded, and he volunteered to help dig for survivors. He told of three very odd occurrences. In the first, he was required to show his ID six times before being allowed to help look for survivors. In the second, he confirmed the stories told by others that men in suits and ties were literally stepping over the wounded in their haste to gather up files and certain other items in the debris.

Lastly, and the oddest story of all, he told of more men in suits and ties taping plastic sheeting over portions of the building wreckage! The plastic sheeting used was very thin, could not possibly provide any mechanical support for the covered items, and seemed to serve no other purpose than to conceal the wrapped object from view. This story has also been confirmed by other witnesses.

Audio news broadcast on second & third explosives...

According to the March 20, 1996 issue of Strategic Investment newsletter, a classified Pentagon study confirms that the Oklahoma bombing was caused by more than one bomb. A classified report prepared by two independent Pentagon experts has concluded that the destruction of the federal building in Oklahoma City in April 1995 was caused by five separate bombs. The two experts reached the same conclusion for the same technical reasons. Sources close to the Pentagon study are reported to have said that Timothy McVeigh did play a role in the bombing but peripherally, as a "useful idiot."

We reported in Freedom Network News at the time that seismograph readouts at the University of Oklahoma indicated more than one blast impulse. Independent ordnance experts, including a Navy Commander, unanimously agreed that a car-bomb with low intensity fertilizer explosives could not have inflicted such extensive damage to the building and that it was highly likely that high-intensity explosives had been wired directly to the columns. Our suspicion then as now is that it was an "inside job." But by whom is the mystery. Strategic Investment reports that the multiple bombings had a Middle Eastern "signature." Others find the whole business to be extremely fishy because of the fact that no ATF or FBI agents were in their offices at the time of the blast [about 9:05 a.m.] — and that evidence pertaining to both Waco and Mena had been stored there.

On 1997-06-13 Timothy McVeigh was sentenced to death for the bombing of the Federal Building in Oklahoma City (dead men tell no tales). The "useful idiot" has indeed turned out to be useful, effectively deflecting attention from the real perpetrators of this crime.

The Oklahoma City bombing was America's equivalent of the 1933 Reichstag Fire.

A fire destroyed the Reichstag Building on February 27, 1933. Hitler blamed the fire on the Communists. The fire symbolically destroyed the only remaining institution capable of placing reins on Hitler's grab for dictatorial power. Although the case is still somewhat disputed, the fire was very likely instigated by the Nazis and blamed on a Dutch Communist who had committed arson, Marinus van der Lubbe. There was no sign whatsoever of a revolution, but van der Lubbe gave the Nazis the excuse they needed and the pretext for new emergency measures [the Ermächtigungsgesetz, enacted on 1933-03-24]. — The First Steps Leading to the "Final Solution"

Future historians may write:

Several bombs destroyed the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building on April 19, 1995. President Clinton blamed the bombing on domestic right-wing terrorists. The bombing destroyed the records of the 1993 massacre of the Branch Davidians in Waco, Texas, and also records relating to Mena. Although the case is still somewhat disputed, the bombing was very likely instigated by a secret criminal organization parasitic upon the U.S. government and blamed on a member of a right-wing militia, Timothy McVeigh, who was known to be sympathetic to violent resistance to the federal government. There was no sign whatsoever of a revolution, but McVeigh gave the U.S. government the excuse it needed and the pretext for new emergency measures, the Counter-Terrorism Bill.

More information on Mena...

More information on the bombing...

The Oklahoma City Bombing: 30 Unanswered Questions

Despite Timothy McVeigh's guilty verdict, numerous unanswered questions about the murderous Oklahoma City bombing remain. Indeed, there are so many unanswered questions, it is amazing that the prosecution was able to secure a conviction at all. So pull up a front-row seat for the McVeigh lynching, folks, and contemplate a few of the contradictions in the official account of the OKC bombing before it all gets flushed down the memory hole.

More on the 30 unanswered questions...

If the bombing of the Alfred E. Murrah building in Oklahoma City was a terrorist reprisal for the massacre of the Branch Davidians at Waco, why were no BATF or FBI agents injured? Why was EVERY BADGE-CARRYING FEDERAL AGENT absent from work at nine o’clock on a weekday morning, their offices staffed only with civilian clerical workers?

When the word first got out that no Federal agents had been present in the building, the BATF produced its Resident Agent Alex McCauley who told a long story about his own heroism and that of a fellow ATF man who allegedly fell three floors in an elevator, walked away from it, and then helped rescue others trapped by the bomb. This was quickly exposed as a fabrication in an angry interview by building maintenance supervisor Duane James, who described McCauley’s story as "pure fantasy". James examined the elevator in question and also the central control panel and pointed out a number of technical and logical reasons why the miraculous elevator incident simply couldn’t have happened in the way claimed. The McCauley account was quietly retracted and flushed down the memory hole by the ATF, with the help of the media. They now admit that McCauley was nowhere near the building when the bomb went off, although they refuse to discuss his exact whereabouts or the whereabouts of any other ATF agent at the time of the explosion.

Will BATF Agent Alex McCauley be disciplined for telling a self-serving lie which falsely made himself out to be a hero? If that was not the purpose, why did he make this palpably false public statement?

Why was U.S. Judge Wayne Alley, whose office was located in the Federal building, warned several weeks in advance in a Justice Department memo to be prepared for an unnamed "terrorist act" directed against the Federal building?

Judge Alley made the above admission to the Portland Oregonian immediately after the bombing. He has since refused to repeat it or allow himself to be interviewed again. Why?

The Oklahoma City Bombing:
A Past and Future History
by John Loeffler World Affairs Editor

In May the United States braced itself for the inevitable carnival that would surround the execution of Timothy McVeigh for his role in the 1995 bombing of the Murrah Federal Building in Oklahoma City. Then suddenly the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) revealed that - oops! - it had failed to turn over 3,000 pages of evidence to McVeigh's attorneys during the discovery process at McVeigh's trial.

Shortly thereafter, Timothy McVeigh's attorneys announced they were seeking a stay of execution, making accusations of "a fraud upon the court" by the federal government, which had already admitted it withheld documents during both the trial and sentencing phases of the process against McVeigh. 1 The attorneys also alleged there were "...still critical documents about this investigation being withheld by the FBI...." 2

This revelation was the latest "oops" in a pattern of irregularities leading all the way back to the FBI's involvement in the Ruby Ridge standoff in 1992, where either the ATF or FBI tampered with evidence and withheld it in the Randy Weaver trial and later engaged in a cover-up of FBI misconduct in the whole affair.

The FBI's role at Waco will remain one of the dark days of its history. The Cato Institute's No Confidence: An Unofficial Account of the Waco Incident documents felonies committed by government agents, including a videotaped criminal assault on a TV reporter by federal agents (which have never been prosecuted). In 1997, the FBI paid $1.16 million to a former crime laboratory agent, who was fired after he blew the whistle on serious irregularities in the evidence testing in hundreds of cases, including the World Trade Centre and Oklahoma City bombings. Just recently, FBI counterintelligence officer Robert Hansen was accused of spying for the Russians for 15 years and has subsequently been indicted following failed plea bargain attempts. After holding accused Chinese spy Wen Ho Lee for almost a year without trial - oops! - all charges but one were dropped, an obvious save-face for the FBI.

Clinton's Justice Department

Timothy McVeigh was originally resigned to being executed in May, but he reversed himself following the FBI's latest announcement about its retention of evidence. McVeigh attempted to utilize his case to demonstrate his rationale for the bombing in the first place, that the federal government is running outside of accountability and control, but his appeal was denied. Although no one would agree with McVeigh's criminal action, he was not alone in his conviction that things are radically wrong. Author David Limbaugh (brother of talk show host Rush Limbaugh) makes the argument in his new book, Absolute Power, that the Clinton administration thoroughly corrupted the Justice Department.

On the day President Clinton had his hair cut while Air Force One sat on the tarmac of Los Angeles International Airport, delaying air traffic for hours, the president's administration under Janet Reno fired all 93 of the country's United States attorneys!3 The mainline media covered the haircut and ignored this unprecedented firing, which should have been the first indicator that the Justice Department was being politicized.

This was followed by the Waco debacle, the Justice Department's war against the tobacco industry, and an endless series of Clinton administration scandals with follow-up investigations that were clearly whitewashes and cover-ups. The administration used the IRS to persecute conservative groups and illegally used FBI files to blackmail political opponents. Other events, such as the violent raid to retrieve Cuban child refugee Elián González, only served to deepen this image of government. Millions were enraged at the photograph of Elián being removed at gunpoint by a federal agent. A civil rights complaint in the matter was filed at the end of May, naming (among others) former Attorney General Janet Reno, who was served papers while lunching at a restaurant in Miami. The mainline media probably didn't tell you that either. All of these events - and more - served to erode credibility in government. But how had the country arrived at this point?

The Country's Great March Left

After a postwar decade of prosperity in the 1950s, the fabric of the U.S. common belief system underwent radical changes in the 1960s and succeeding decades. The civil rights movement flowered in the '60s and ended segregation. While it was intended to be the equalization of long-standing injustices against African-Americans, it was soon joined by Vietnam War protests and other causes on college campuses, generally driven by radical leftist and pro-Marxist ideology. Eventually the civil rights movement was hijacked by the new left to create a whole new victim class of people who merited special treatment, wherein all sorts of groups demanding all sorts of imagined "rights" climbed onto the civil rights bandwagon. Martin Luther King would not recognize his dream today.

By the middle 1980s, traditional American values were largely disenfranchised and ridiculed in the public arena. People knew something was wrong; this wasn't the America they had known and they knew they weren't being heard but didn't know why. There was no such thing as "bipartisanship" in Congress in those days. Conservatives were given crumbs from the table, as long as they didn't interfere with the liberal political agenda.

Enter Talk Radio

In the mid-'80s, conservatives found a forum in the phenomenon of talk radio and the airwaves crackled with the voice of a new anti-establishment protest, this time from the right instead of the left. (Note that the young, leftist anti-government protestors of the '60s, President Clinton among them, had become the establishment leftists of the '80s and '90s.) By the 1990s, conservative talk radio was in full swing, transmitting a daily avalanche of heretofore unheard information and viewpoints. At the same time, cheap FAX technology and email enabled conservative political groups, foundations and think tanks to rapidly disseminate information which had previously been stifled by the leftist media, whose decades-long choke hold on the public mind had finally been broken. The religious right was also beginning to see fruit in its decades-long push to gain influence inside the Republican party, especially the pro-life movement.

At this time, right-wing discontent with government reached new peaks. Education had derailed itself, after billions of dollars of investment and failed promises of "reform" from the education establishment. Property rights had taken a brutal beating from the war on drugs and the environmental movement. Millions of Americans were facing debt issues with the IRS as government taxes soared. In hundreds of stories, people could recount some unfortunate tangle with the establishment, having found themselves hopelessly entangled in a web of government regulations, laws, fines and penalties.

In the early 1990s, certain events catalyzed the conservative movement. Not only was it gaining a huge head of stream, but Ruby Ridge and Waco occurred, adding to the anxieties of many that parts of their government might just be running out of control. As scandals in the Clinton administration unfolded one by one, the new talk radio kept promulgating facts that the mainliners had tried to "spike."

Where Did That Come From?

The mainline media was generally oblivious to the rising influence of the new kids on the block, but a wake-up shock hit them during the November 1994 elections, which produced a landslide turn toward conservatism. The TV network news organizations covering election returns that night were visibly shaken by the results. Dan Rather referred to it as a "national temper tantrum." The national temper tantrum continued to build in crescendo and the left-wing socialist agenda of 30 years seemed in dire straights. That was until the morning of April 19, 1995, when a tragic bomb blast in Oklahoma City killed 168 innocent men, women and children.

A Presidential Call for Disunity

Oklahoma City did not occur in a vacuum. There had been a rising tide of discontent with government, much of it justified but with all political movements or trends, there are extremes.

After the bombing, the appropriate action would have been for President Clinton to unite the country as one in grieving over a disastrous tragedy. But he chose to do exactly the opposite. Within 48 hours, the president began a campaign to blame everyone on the right for the "atmosphere of hate" that had caused the tragedy. The left-wing media joined in the feeding frenzy. No one was exempt: pro-lifers, pro-family organizations, home schoolers, the religious right (portrayed as whackos) and especially "hate radio."

Although a few brave souls in Congress and elsewhere attempted to stand on principle during the onslaught and challenged the president's wild allegations, the country's emotional trauma acted like a volcanic explosion that blew away any reasoned effort to stand in the storm of hysteria.

The Fallout from the Oklahoma City Bombing

People on the right scrambled to look "moderate." The left called the tune and the right danced to it. Talk show hosts were fired or told to tone it down. Elected representatives refused to stand on principle. Overnight, the entire conservative movement went underground by looking "moderate."

Just nine days after the bombing, in his daily report on April 28, 1995, Gary Bauer of the Family Research Council wrote: "The liberal media and politicians may have accomplished their goal in the last few days by linking the thugs who blew up the federal building in Oklahoma City with legitimate conservative political views. A number of congressmen have told me that their fellow conservatives in Congress are 'scared' and on the defensive. How long this paranoia will last is anyone's guess."4 That paranoia has lasted until now. It effectively scuttled the conservative comeback. As a result of the Oklahoma City fire storm, new political categories have emerged in the press. "Mainstream" people are liberals. "Moderates" are conservatives who don't oppose what the liberals want to do. "Extremists" are those who oppose the socialist agenda.

Following Oklahoma City, the Republican Party leadership hustled quickly to move its image towards center, leaving true conservatives, religious righters, pro-lifers and Constitutionalists alone by themselves on the genuine right. As such, the Republican party surrendered its ability to counter the constant leftward drone towards socialism. Those who are called "far right" today are really conservatives who had not moved while the country and Republican party went radically left.

Religious conservatives are now discovering they are orphans within the party they once worked so hard to promote: still hopeful, but not quite understanding what went wrong. The most recent indicator of this was the passage last week of HR1, the Elementary and Secondary Education Reauthorization Act, with most of the provisions for national control of education intact. There is little difference now between Democrats and Republicans. They are both marching leftward.

But once again, there is a growing disillusioned discontent similar to the political buildup that began in the early 1990s as people begin to realize that there is something wrong. The alternative media are growing and going mainstream. Once again, dissenting voices are beginning to be heard. Where it will lead this time remains to be seen.


1. "McVeigh to Seek Delay of Execution," Associated Press , May 31, 2001.
2. Hunter, Melanie, "McVeigh's Attorneys to Seek Stay of Execution,", May 31, 2001.
3. Limbaugh, David. "Absolute Power: The Legacy of Corruption in the Clinton-Reno Justice Department," p.xi.
4. Bauer, Gary, End of Day Briefing, April 28, 1995, as cited in McAlvany Intelligence Advisor, May/June 1995.

Wednesday, December 2, 2009

I suspect few government officials realized in 1992 the widespread anger and resentment their actions in a remote area of Idaho would inspire. Randy Weaver and his family were just some more "troublemakers" who didn't like the multicultural cesspool and wanted to be left alone. They would be "taken down hard and fast."

While most of the American sheeple paid no attention to this atrocity, a substantial minority on both sides of the political spectrum were outraged and wouldn't forget. Now the story continues.

Please note that, damning as the Justice Department investigation is, FBI officials are now believed to have destroyed evidence to keep it away from investigators.

Don Black

The Wall Street Journal, June 30, 1995, p. A14.

Ruby Ridge: The Justice Report

By James Bovard

The 1992 confrontation between federal agents and the Randy Weaver family in Ruby Ridge, Idaho, has become one of the most controversial and widely discussed examples of the abuse of federal power. The Justice Department completed a 542-page investigation on the case last year but has not yet made the report public. However, the report was acquired by Legal Times newspaper, which this week placed the text on the Internet. The report reveals that federal officials may have acted worse than even some of their harshest critics imagined.

This case began after Randy Weaver was entrapped, as an Idaho jury concluded, by an undercover Bureau of Alcohol Tobacco and Firearms agent to sell him sawed-off shotguns.

While federal officials have claimed that the violent confrontation between the Weavers and the government began when the Weavers ambushed federal marshals, the report tells a very different story. A team of six U.S. marshals, split into two groups, trespassed onto Mr. Weaver's land on Aug. 21, 1992. One of the marshals threw rocks at the Weaver's cabin to see how much noise was required to agitate the Weaver's dogs. A few minutes later, Randy Weaver, Kevin Harris, and 13-year-old Sammy Weaver came out of the cabin and began following their dogs. Three U.S. marshals were soon tearing through the woods.

At one point, U.S. Marshal Larry Cooper "told the others that it was ['expletive deleted'] for them to continue running and that he did not want to 'run down the trail and get shot in the back.' He urged them to take up defensive positions. The others agreed.... William Degan ... took a position behind a stump...."

As Sammy Weaver and Kevin Harris came upon the marshals, gunfire erupted. Sammy was shot in the back and killed while running away from the scene (probably by Marshal Cooper, according to the report), and Marshal Degan was killed by Mr. Harris. The jury concluded that Mr. Harris's action was legitimate self-defense; the Justice report concluded it was impossible to know who shot first.

Several places in the report deal with the possibility of a government coverup. After the firefight between the marshals and the Weavers and Mr. Harris, the surviving marshals were taken away to rest and recuperate. The report observed, "We question the wisdom of keeping the marshals together at the condominium for several hours, while awaiting interviews with the FBI. Isolating them in that manner created the appearance and generated allegations that they were fabricating stories and colluding to cover up the true circumstances of the shootings."

After the death of the U.S. marshal, the FBI was called in. A source of continuing fierce debate across America is: Did the FBI set out to apprehend and arrest Randy Weaver and Kevin Harris -- or simply to kill them? Unfortunately, the evidence from the Justice Department report is damning in the extreme on this count.

The report noted, "We have been told by observers on the scene that law enforcement personnel made statements that the matter would be handled quickly and that the situation would be 'taken down hard and fast.' " The FBI issued Rules of Engagement that declared that its snipers "can and should" use deadly force against armed males outside the cabin.

The report noted that a member of an FBI SWAT team from Denver "remembered the Rules of Engagement as 'if you see 'em, shoot 'em.' " The task force report noted, "since those Rules which contained 'should' remained in force at the crisis scene for days after the August 22 shooting, it is inconceivable to us that FBI Headquarters remained ignorant of the exact wording of the Rules of Engagement during that entire period."

The report concluded that the FBI Rules of Engagement at Ruby Ridge flagrantly violated the U.S. Constitution: "The Constitution allows no person to become 'fair game' for deadly force without law enforcement evaluating the threat that person poses, even when, as occurred here, the evaluation must be made in a split second." The report portrays the rules of engagement as practically a license to kill: "The Constitution places the decision on whether to use deadly force on the individual agent; the Rules attempted to usurp this responsibility."

FBI headquarters rejected an initial operation plan because there was no provision to even attempt to negotiate the surrender of the suspects. The plan was revised to include a negotiation provision -- but subsequent FBI action made that provision a nullity. FBI snipers took their positions around the Weaver cabin a few minutes after 5 p.m. on Aug. 22. Within an hour, every adult in the cabin was either dead or severely wounded -- even though they had not fired a shot at any FBI agent.

Randy Weaver, Mr. Harris, and 16-year-old Sara Weaver stepped out of the cabin a few minutes before 6 p.m. to go to the shed where Sammy's body lay. FBI sniper Lon Horiuchi shot Randy Weaver in the back. As Randy Weaver, Mr. Harris, and Sara Weaver struggled to get back into the cabin, Vicki Weaver stood in the cabin doorway holding a baby. Agent Horiuchi fired again; his bullet passed through a window in the door, hit Vicki Weaver in the head, killing her instantly, and then hit Mr. Harris in the chest.

At the subsequent trial, the government claimed that Messrs. Weaver and Harris were shot because they had threatened to shoot at a helicopter containing FBI officials. Because of insufficient evidence, the federal judge threw out the charge that Messrs. Weaver and Harris threatened the helicopter. The Justice report noted, "The SIOC [Strategic Information and Operations Center at FBI headquarters] Log indicates that shots were fired during the events of August 22.... We have found no evidence during this inquiry that shots fired at any helicopter during the Ruby Ridge crisis. The erroneous entry was never corrected." (The Idaho jury found Messrs. Weaver and Harris innocent on almost all charges.)

The Justice Department task force expressed grave doubts about the wisdom of the FBI strategy: "From information received at the Marshals Service, FBI management had reason to believe that the Weaver/Harris group would respond to a helicopter in the vicinity of the cabin by coming outside with firearms. Notwithstanding this knowledge, they placed sniper/observers on the adjacent mountainside with instructions that they could and should shoot armed members of the group, if they came out of the cabin. Their use of the helicopter near the cabin invited an accusation that the helicopter was intentionally used to draw the Weaver group out of the cabin."

The task force was extremely critical of Agent Horiuchi's second shot: "Since the exchange of gunfire [the previous day], no one at the cabin had fired a shot. Indeed, they had not even returned fire in response to Horiuchi's first shot. Furthermore, at the time of the second shot, Harris and others outside the cabin were retreating, not attacking. They were not retreating to an area where they would present a danger to the public at large...."

Regarding Agent Horiuchi's killing of Vicki Weaver, the task force concluded, "[B]y fixing his cross hairs on the door when he believed someone was behind it, he placed the children and Vicki Weaver at risk, in violation of even the special Rules of Engagement.... In our opinion he needlessly and unjustifiably endangered the persons whom he thought might be behind the door."

The Justice Department task force was especially appalled that the adults were gunned down before receiving any warning or demand to surrender: "While the operational plan included a provision for a surrender demand, that demand was not made until after the shootings.... The lack of a planned 'call out' as the sniper/observers deployed is significant because the Weavers were known to leave the cabin armed when vehicles or airplanes approached. The absence of such a plan subjected the Government to charges that it was setting Weaver up for attack."

One of our governments favorite activities is spying on it's own citizens. They don't care for being hindered by such things as the Bill of Rights, and the FBI has been censured by Congress several times for illegal investigations. Along these lines, the BATF sent informant Kenneth Fadeley to pose as a gun dealer to spy on groups that opposed opressive government in Idaho. The BATF targeted Randy Weaver to be set up. In October 1989, Fadeley approached Weaver posing as someone interested in purchasing sawed-off shotguns. Fadeley approached Weaver and pressured the mountain man to sell him sawed-off shotguns. Mr. Weaver at first refused, but the agent was persistent and Mr. Weaver eventually sold him two shotguns, thereby violating federal firearms law. They set up a trial date, but Weaver would not deal with with federal gestapo. To justify a militaristic retaliation, BATF agents lied to the U.S. attorney's office. BATF agents claimed that Weaver had a criminal record and that he was a suspect in several bank robberies.

Both charges were fabrications, even according to BATF Director John Magaw, who admitted the accusations were "inexcusable" in testimony before Congress.The U.S. attorney's office indicted Weaver on weapons charges in May 1990.Weaver was arraigned in January 1991. After missing his February 1991 court date, Weaver was indicted in March 1991 on charges of refusing to appear in court. When federal agents set up Randy Weaver on minor weapons violations, Weaver refused to show up in court for the charge, instead holing up with his wife and four children in his mountain cabin on Ruby Ridge, forty miles south of the Canadian border. A Justice Department attorney got an arrest warrant for Weaver, despite knowing that a court official notified Weaver of an incorrect court date. (Weaver wasn't going to show up anyway.) For the charge of refusing to appear in court for a minor weapons violation, the government conducted a military siege of Ruby Ridge worthy of a small war. As reported by James Bovard in the January 10, 1995 Wall Street Journal, after Weaver's February 1991 missed court appearance, Federal agents then launched an elaborate 18-month surveillance of Mr. Weaver's cabin and land. David Niven, a defense lawyer involved in the subsequent court case, noted later: "The U.S. marshals called in military aerial reconnaissance and had photos studied by the Defense Mapping Agency. ... They had psychological profiles performed and installed $130,000 worth of solar-powered long-range spy cameras. They intercepted the Weavers' mail. They even knew the menstrual cycle of Weaver's teenage daughter, and planned an arrest scenario around it."

On August 21, 1992, the siege began in earnest. Six U.S. marshals, armed and camouflaged, went onto Weaver's property to conduct undercover surveillance. When Weaver's dogs started barking, they shot one of them. Weaver's 25-year-old friend Kevin Harris and 14-year-old son Sammy saw the dog die. Sammy Weaver fired his gun towards the agents as his dad yelled for him to come back to the cabin. "I'm coming, Dad," were Sammy Weaver's last words before he was shot in the back and killed by a U.S. marshal. Kevin Harris, witnessing the agents' killing of the dog and child, fired at the agents in self-defense, killing one of them. After the initial shootout, the Weavers and Harris retreated into their cabin, and a small army surrounded the area. Says Bovard: "the commander of the FBI's Hostage Rescue Team was called in, and ordered federal agents to shoot any armed adult outside the Weaver cabin, regardless of whether that person was doing anything to threaten or menace federal agents. (Thanks to the surveillance, federal officials knew that the Weavers always carried guns when outside their cabin.)" Against a handful of rural Idahoans with shotguns, the U.S. arrayed four hundred federal agents with automatic weapons, sniper rifles and night vision scopes. On August 22, 1992, Randy Weaver went to see his son's body in the shack where it lay. He was shot and wounded from behind by FBI sniper Lon Horiuchi. As Weaver struggled back to his house, Horiuchi assassinated his wife Vicki as she stood in the doorway, holding their 10-month-old baby. Although the feds later claimed Vicki Weaver's killing was an accident, the New York Times reported in 1993 that an internal FBI report justified the killing by saying she put herself in danger.

Latest updates on the case...

More info...

Tuesday, December 1, 2009

On February 28, 1993, the United States Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms (BATF) launched the largest assault in its history against a small religious community in central Texas. Approximately eighty armed agents invaded the compound, purportedly to execute a single search and arrest warrant. The raid went badly; six Branch Davidians and four agents were killed, and after a fifty-one-day standoff, the United States Justice Department approved a plan to use CS gas against those barricaded inside. Tanks carrying the CS gas entered the compound. Later that day, fire broke out, and all seventy-four men, women and children inside perished.

This includes excerpts from the legal complaint filed by former Attorney General Ramsey Clark, including:

At about noon [19 April 1993] FBI agents on foot entered the Church, and fired shots which struck plaintiffs many of whom were dead, or unconscious from gas inhalation. Several FBI defendants proceeded to the second floor and placed an explosive material on the top of the concrete Church vault [in which women and children were crowded on the floor] at the 2nd floor level. ... At about 12:20 p.m. a huge explosion blasted a hole several feet in diameter ... [in] the concrete ceiling of the Church vault, crushing, cutting, burying and killing or injuring most of the approximately 30 persons in the vault. ... It [FBI] planned to demolish the Church building, to destroy evidence of the ATF attack on February 28, including evidence of the first shots fired by ATF at the front door of the Church and the lethal firing at the Church from helicopters which the ATF denied.

Hayes writes:

The FBI murdered everyone they could and destroyed as much evidence as possible. This was the issue that screamed for investigation. The Joint Committee spent its ten days spreading whitewash. Anyone who watched and/or listened to the hearings, as PFP did, clearly noted the Alice in Wonderland quality. The two Davidians and their two attorneys gave a clear and consistent story of ATF, FBI and military aggression and Davidian self-defense. However, every person on the imperial payroll told a story that was the exact opposite.

Major media article on the story...

In late February 1993, after preliminary investigations, the ATF began preparing for what would be its biggest raid in history. They were concerned about the stockpiling of weapons at the Koresh compound, as well as the possible endangerment of children. All it lacked was a plan- and the element of surprise. When acting Special Agent in Charge Darrell Dyer arrived from Kansas City and asked to see the paperwork, he found that none existed. In the next four days, Dyer and fellow agent William Krone drew up a plan-but it was never distributed.

On the day of the raid, February 28, 1993, an ambulance company hired by the ATF agents leaked word of "Operation Trojan Horse" to a local TV station, which then sent a cameraman to check on the situation. The cameraman asked a local postman, David Jones, for directions to the Koresh compound. He also told Jones about the raid. Jones, who was Koresh's brother-in-law, informed Koresh.

An undercover agent at Koresh's compound found out that Koresh knew of the pending raid and found an excuse to leave. The agent in charge of the raid, Philip Chojnacki, decided the raid should still go on. On March 29, ATF head Higgins claimed, "We would not have executed the plans if our supervisors had lost the element of surprise."


Following the disastrous ATF raid, the Koresh matter was turned over to the FBI.

A standoff took place, lasting 51 days. The FBI and their people wanted Koresh and his followers to come out, and face charges concerning the killing and wounding of ATF agents.

For awhile, the FBI had had success negotiating with Koresh. They got 37 people out, including 21 children, before negotiations went sour. To make their tactical case, officials had to defend on their intelligence from the inside of the compound, but as Koresh grew more paranoid it was harder to gather. After negotiating to send in milk, magazines and a typewriter, they tucked in tiny listening devices as well to monitor Koresh's moods. But cult members were said to have found the bugs and destroyed them.


Prior to the assault, the FBI came to Reno with their plan, laid out in a briefing book, That started a week of meetings, briefings, phone calls and more meetings in which Reno probed the motives and methods the bureau laid out.

The plan ultimately presented to Reno involved pumping tear gas into the compound to create enough chaos to distract anyone intent on either firing back or orchestrating a mass suicide. Perhaps those wavering would come out.

That was the plan FBI director William Sessions and his deputies put before Reno on Monday morning. She had many questions. Why now? What is Koresh likely to do? Is this the best way to go? Her questions always came back to the children.

Reno was told that child abuse was going on at the compound, ranging from slapping around to the "ongoing pattern of young girls in there being sexually abused/ She approved the plan at 7:15 p.m. She called President Clinton the next night to inform him of her plan. The assault began the next morning.


The pounding began a few minutes after 6 a.m., April 19, when an armored combat engineer vehicle with a long, insistent steel nose began prodding a corner of the main building. Shots rang out from the windows the moment agents began pumping in tear gas.

A second cev joined in bucking walls, breaking windows, nudging, nudging, as though moving the building would move those inside.

Koresh left his apartment on the top floor and stalked the halls. "get your gas masks on," he told them. The masks would protect them for hours. They went about their chores, even as a tank crashed through the front door, past the piano, the potato sacks and the propane tank barricaded against it.

The vehicles exhaled clouds of tear gas as the rounds of bullets rained down on them. Fleeing the gas, the women and children clustered in the center of the second floor, from which there was no exit.

A few minutes past noon, FBI agents claimed they saw a Davidian in a gas mask cupping his hands, as though lighting something. Soon, an explosion rocked the compound, then another and another as ammunition stores blew up. The building shuddered like the earthquake Koresh had foretold.

The FBI waited to see adults or children coming out. No one did. Eventually word got out that several adult Davidians were outside the building. Ruth Riddle, who had jumped through a hole punched in the wall, was spotted. She was taken to safety by FBI agents. A man appeared on the roof, his clothing in flames. He fell off the roof. Agents put out the fire and took him to safety.

Helped by 30 mile per hour wind, flames roared through the Branch Davidian compound. The fire raced through the big parlor, feeding on the wooden benches and the stacks of Bibles kept by the door. The chapel crackled as flamed consumed the wooden pew-like bleachers for his audience. Table after table in the cafeteria burned, and rows of children's wooden bunk beds upstairs, as the flames spread faster, through the attic that ran the length of the building like a wind tunnel. It burned fast because it was built on the cheap, a tar-paper, yellow-pine and plasterboard. By the time the fire fighters went into the compound, only ashes and bones were left, and questions.


Some speculated that the tanks punctured the propane tank barricading the door, sending flames speeding through a storage room full of of gallon fuel containers for the lanterns, lighting the hay bales and other debris.

Survivor Avraam claims, "People had no time to get out. The fire spread very fast," says Avraam, who escaped by diving out a window.


At the time, FBI agent Sage claimed, "I saw three fires almost simultaneously." Insisted Sage, "There's no question but that it was not started by the tanks in front of the building. That's ridiculous. I saw tanks at different points from where the fires were."


As the week progressed the FBI had to back off certain claims: that they had fresh evidence of child abuse, that they had actually seen a cult member lighting the fire, and that some victims were shot by fellow Davidians for trying to flee.


A couple days before the fiery destruction, Koresh promised that he and his followers would emerge as soon a she had finished his manuscript interpreting the Seven Seals of the Bible's Book of Revelation.

FBI officials, exasperated after the 51-day siege and by Koresh's constantly shifting demands about the terms of his surrender, doubted that the manuscript and went ahead with the raid.

A woman who escaped from the fire carried with her the first, 13 page, installment of Koresh's manuscript.


According to a 220 page critique of the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms issued by the Treasury department in October of 1993, the Feb. 28 raid on David Koresh's compound in Waco, Texas, resulted in the death of four ATF agents and six cult members and led to a 51-day siege and a fiery conflagration that claimed the lives of 85 people, including at least 17 children, The Bureau, the report said, not only handled a sensitive situation ineptly but tried to cover up its bumbling with lies and obfuscations. As the study coldly noted, "There may be occasions when pressing operational considerations-or legal constraints-prevent law-enforcement officials from being... completely candid in their public utterances. This was not one of them." The field commanders made "inaccurate and disingenuous statements" to cover up their missteps, putting the blame on agents.

After the report was released, Treasury Secretary Lloyd Bentsen, whose department is in charge of ATF, announced the replacement of the agency's entire top management. Its boss, Stephen Higgins, who knew the report was going to be harsh, announced his retirement three days before.


There is reason to believe the FBI played a big role in the deaths of those at the Waco compound. Whether the FBI, by accident, or Koresh and his followers, on purpose, started the fires that killed most of those at the compound will never be clear. But, if the FBI had been patient, there MIGHT have been a peaceful end to the standoff. We will never know for sure.

Waco: A New Revelation is the film that triggered a new Congressional investigation of the Waco tragedy, and caused the Justice Department and the FBI to reverse their long-held positions on Waco. It has generated a firestorm of events unprecedented in the history of documentary filmmaking.

After six years of painstaking investigation, the complete story of the tragedy in Texas is finally coming to light. This compelling feature-length documentary presents new revelations about the events that led up to the deaths of 79 men, women and children at Mount Carmel on April 19, 1993.

In the spring of 1998, under the Freedom of Information Act, investigators from MGA Studio's film division became the first private citizens to gain access to the Waco investigation evidence lockers. What they found was shocking. Upon examination, the evidence gathered under the supervision of federal officials appeared to contradict the FBI's congressional testimony, raising serious and disturbing questions about events surrounding the siege at Mt. Carmel and the deaths of the Davidians.

Since 1993, former members of the FBI, former Special Forces and CIA operatives have come forward with new evidence to suggest that the FBI's claim is inaccurate.

The Government's Investigation Report...

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